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la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

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dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 

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film^s  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grend  pour  dtre 
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de  I'angle  supArieur  geuche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  disgrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

^e 


\ 


\ 


I  1. 

I    t 


\ 


SPEECH 


OP 


MR.  STANTON,  OF  TENNESSEE, 


>  i 


ON    THE 


OREGON    QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN   THE   HOUSE   OF   RE PRE SEN TAT I Y Eft, 


JANUARY   14,   1846. 


WASHINGTON: 
PRUTTED  AT  THE  UNION  OPPICK. 

1846. 


//!   f> 


'On 


SPEECH. 


On  fhc  rcaolution  giving  the  twiire  monthn'  twlice  for  the  lermination  of  the 

joint  occupancy  of  the  Oregon  territory- 


Mr.  STANTON  was  cntiiloJ  to  tlit:  flour,  anil  '•: 
(after  u  moment's  interruption)  procecdcil  to  addresB  , 
the  committee.  ! 

tie  said: 

Mr.  Chairman  :  In  the  intense  anxiety  of  nu- 
merous members  of  the  flouse  to  addres.s  the  com- 
mittee upon  this  momentous  question,  a  proper  cs- 
tiniatc  of  my  personal  position  and  influence  would 
require  me  to  listen  rather  than  to  speak.  A.  dis- 
cussion of  this  character,  maintained  for  so  loni^  a 
time,  must  have  an  important  and  immediate  influ- 
ence upon  the  business  occupations  and  interests  of 
the  people  of  this  vast  country.     But  this  i«fluence, 

treat  as  it  is,  and  by  no  »^iean.s  to  be  overlooked  or 
espised,  is  but  dust  iii  'he  balance,  compared  with 
those  graver  consequen(  •  which  will  result  to  this 
country  and  the  world,  it  le  fears  of  many  gentle- 
men should  be  realized,  and  war  sliould  follow. 
Sluj)endous  conflicts  of  nations  luid  systems — con- 
flici;*  wliich  will  shake,  not  only  this  cauntry,  but 
this  globe  to  its  centre — may  possibly  liang  Ufion  the 
issue  of  tills  debate. 

\  approach  this  subject  of  overwhelming  magni- 
tude, with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the  elight  influ- 
ence my  opinions  can  be  expected  to  have,  either 
upon  this  House  or  the  country;  yet,  representing 
a  district  of  some  importance,  both  in  its  agricul- 
tural and  conimercia  1  interests — a  district  compris- 
ing n  portion  of  the  people  of  a  State  whose  sons 
have  acquired  some  laurels  in  war,  as  well  as  some 
dit^tinction  in  the  more  quiet  walks  of  peaceful 
Blate.smaiiship — I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  trouble  the 
committee  with  my  views  upon  the  .subject  now 
under  discussion.  Tiio  people  of  Tennessee  will 
not  be  backward  to  express  their  opinions — they 
■»-ill  not  be  fearful  to  maintain  them,  in  whatever 
•manner  and  to  whatever  extent  the  oci-usion  may 
require.  1  speak  for  myself.  I  think  I  c^n-speait 
for  those  of  my  colleagues  with  whom  I  am  associa- 
ted as  a  member  of  the  .same  party.  I  hope  I 
can  speak  also  for  those  with  whom  I  am 
not  thus  associated.  At  any  rate,  I  hope 
«t  least  lo  hear  from  them  before  thi'  discus.sion 
■hall  close,  and  that  their  views  will  exuibit  a  noble 
ipatriotism,  which,  upon  a  great  question,  involving 
the  honor  and  interest  of  the  whole  nation,  will  for- 

tet  all  personal  and  party  distinctions,  and  support 
ie  cause  of  their  country  with  all  their  known  tal- 
fnis,  and  with  all  the  ardor  and  devotion  of  Tennes- 


iMr.  Cliuirmaii,  tlierc^reins  to  be  little  diversity  of 
opinion  here,  as  to  the  question  of  title  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  StatcP.  1  believe  th<s 
recent  correspondence  between  the  re-opcctive  pleni- 
poteuliuries  of  the  two  i  ountrics,  will  convince  the 
unpartial  judgment  of  the  world  that  we  are  right- 
fully entitled  to  the  whole  territoiy  of  Oregon,  ac- 
cording to  the  ]irinci]ilcs  adoi)ted  by  European  na- 
tii)n.-i  in  rcteren»-e  to  the  ap])ropriation  of  the  Ameri- 
can continent.  I  express  no  opinicm  as  to  the  jus- 
tice of  those  principles;  I  assert  only,  that  even  ac- 
cording to  them,  the  whole  of  Oregon  i:^  ours.  I 
shall  follow  the  example  of  nearly  all  the  gentlemen 
who  have  preceded  me  in  this  discussion,  in  omit- 
ting any  argument  on  the  (juestion  of  title,  excejit in- 
cidentally, in  another  part  of  my  remarks. 

The  only  que.'^tion  which  has  given  rise  to  any  .se- 
r  us  debate  here,  is  that  which  properly  arises  upon 
these  resolutions — the  propriety  or  impropriety  of 
giving  notice  to  Great  Britain  of  the  termination  of 
the  existin^j  convention  between  the  two  powers,  af- 
ter a  period  ■'  twelve  months.  This  is  the  vital 
point  of  difi'ereiice — the  very  hinge  uDon  which  our 
deliberations  must  eventually  turn.  And  upon  this 
great  question,  the  widest  and  mo.st  irreconcilable 
differences  [)re\ ail.  It  is  asserted,  ar.d  vehemently 
maintained,  on  one  side  of  the  House,  that  to  give 
this  notice  will  inevitably  involve  the  two  nations  in 
war:  on  the  other,  it  is  maintained,  with,  equal  earn- 
estness, that  the  miasure  jiropostd  will  not  lead  to 
war — that  it  is  the  only  possible  means  of  bringing 
the  matter  .speedily  to  a  favorable  and  peaceful  termi- 
nation. On  the  one  hand  gentlemen  declare  that 
they  will  take  no  step  fur  the  extension  of  our  laws 
or  the  security  of  our  citizens  in  Oregon,  unless  thi.s 
notice  be  given;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  gentle- 
men say  they  will  do  all  these  things — they  will  ex- 
tend our  laws,  erect  forts,  iirovide  men  and  arms, 
establish  Indian  agencic;-:  and  post-routes — in  short, 
they  will  do  everything  else,  but  they  will  not  give 
this  notice.  Sir,  these  are  grave  questions — Ques- 
tions upon  which  gentlemen  may  well  dift'er  wilnout 
any  just  imputation  upon  their  patriotism. 

It  is  my  intention,  for  the  time  allotted  me  by  the 
rules  of  the  House,  to  endeavor  to  discuss  these, 
questions,  stripping  them  of  every  irrelevant  con- 
sideration, and  endeavoring,  to  the  best  of  my  abil- 
ity, lo  arrive  at  a  conclusion  which  shall  be  sup- 
ported by  reason  and  fortified  by  argument. 

1  maintain,  sir,  that  the  notice  proposed  to  be  sir 


i! 


tj  i 


/ 


«n  to  Great  Britain  cnnnct,  of  '    ^If,  be  ooiiaidered  a  1 
war  meafiure.    The  rival  clai.iantfi  themselves  huvc 
jjicorporiitf  (!  into  the  convention,  which  we  .-.(■(  k  to  I 
lermiiKit' ,  a  (irovision  aulliorizinj;   eithnr  p:>rty,iit| 
any  moment,  to  do  the  very  net  which  th<-sn  r?!sohi- ' 
tions  iirc  designed  to  efTect.     Mow  <'^iii  it  Ije  a  w(ir! 
measure  simply  to  pf-rftirm  the  solemn  stipulations  I 
of  an  exiKtin;^  tre.'tty"     So    fir  from  .such  nconi-Ju-. 
aion  beinir  at  all  jiistifiitMe,  iliore  i^'   on  the  coi.trury, 
not  the  Iciist  untVi(;ndlin<.w.s   in  the  measure  rcci)ni- [ 
mended  by  the  Prt.sidciit,  and  reported    by  tlie  dis-; 
tins;uishe(l  fhairniui  of  the  Cotviniittec  on    Foreijjn  , 
AiTairH.     It  iH  a  ^lipuliitcd  li^lu,  which  Eiifr'ar.d  may  ' 
exerci'f;  at  any  nionienl  without  any  |proviiratioM  to  ' 
■us,  and  wlii(  h  we  ni.ty  lilc>  wise   claim  witliout  >jiv- j 
inj;  her  any  ju.-t  cans,;  ol'  ofleuce.     Im  ikh  tins  prop-i 
oailion  <■''■, irr     Anil  yet   '^ontl.nien   have  repeatriljy  ! 
and  hoM  y  asfrrted  the  contrary,   i  di;n!(iiid  lo  kuow  ' 
■why  this  m"a.-iire  is   called  ii  war  measure?     1  re- 
quire, at  lea.st,  Nomeattempl  at  [ilauiiliU  rea.soiiiii£;  to 
UuKlaii)  the  aR'erti'iu.  I  have  lif-iencd  with  the  utmost 
j>.it;i;ti<n  to  the  n!;^iimrni.s  ofii.ime  of  the  most  rlis-i 
tingui;  'M'd  gentlemen  on  tliia   fl'>or.     I    heard  them 
auB.sert  ii:;iin  aial  .v^au!,  tha'  tliis  measure   is  (([uiva- 
Icnt  to  v.ar,    and    I   hopcf!    they  would   allejije  norne 
reason  for  [ha  as.^ertion.  I  was  v/hnlly  disappointed. 
This  as-^iimption  was  made  the  basis  of  almost  the 
whole  of  their  ar'.'umnnts,  and  yet,  I  must  cruifesa,  I 
■wa.s  unable  to   see  the  Klren2;th   of  v    i  foundation 
Tupon    wl'.i'li   their  leautifn!   siiper.struetiire.s   were 
reared.     I  m.iint.iin,  sir,  that  the  bunk^n   of  proof 
and  of  arj^iimont  rests  upon  tlicm.     I5efore  we  can 
assent  to  their  |>ronn.'-ition,  they  must  make  ut  least 
n  priinrrfa(:ii>  •lii.r.c^  and  siiow  why  a  measure   pro- 
vided   for  in  the  exiatin!,'  convention  between  the 
eontendipf;  p.\rtio?,  can  be  con.sidcred  a  warlike  pro- 
cedure,    f   in.vite  any  ireiitleman   to  lake  up  the  ar- 
gument v,-!iere  they  have  left  it,  and  make  good  the 
assertion  which    they  hav^;   evidently  failed   to  sus- 
tain. 

The  dis'oiijui.shed  and  r!oc|uent  ger.tlemaii  from 
Alaha.rn  [Mr.  YAvrnT]  a.sserted  that  the  convention 
\ias  adopti-d  ;>s  a  substitute  for  war,  leaving  the  in- 
fererico  to  be  drawn,  that  in  the  abMence  of  the  con- 
▼nntion,  \^cr  mi  st  .  rce.s.<?arily  have  followed.  I  can- 
mot  admit  eitlier  the  ytafement  or  the  inference.  It 
docs  l)y  no  meaii.s  follow,  t^ai  because  the  two  na- 
tions could  not  immediately  agree  upon  terms  of 
adju.slnienc.  war  must  necessarily  ensue,  without  an 
agreement  for  joint  rights  within  the  disputed  terri- 
tory. F  ^•onHider  the  conventions  to  have  been  un- 
fortunate eoti.-^ssions  on  our  part,  tending  to  lengthen 
and  complica'e  the  negotiations,  and  to  delay  and 
Tender  more  difl^eult  and  dangerous  the  final  ndjust- 
TOen!  of  the  rjue-^'ion.  [t  was  an  expedient,  adopted 
in  an  ev:l  hour,  to  put  off  a  matter  which  must  have 
for  '  d  a  ?pcedy  and  pea.-eable  settlement  of  itself,  had 
it  not  been  the  su'-^jcct  of  those  unfortunate  agree- 
jnent.3. 

The  same  gentleman  ahio  declared  that  "Eng- 
knd'.s  n  jecfiin  of  our  offers,  proves  that  war  would 
have  followed  but  f)r  the  conventions"  Tiiere 
jfl  as  little  fiu!nd>i'inii  for  this  assertion  as  for 
the  oth<^r.  If  this  propo'^ition  be  true,  its  con- 
yp.Tue  may  likewise  be  affirmed;  and  it  follows, 
that  we  would  have  gone  to  war  upon  our 
own  rejection  of  England's  oflers.  But,  sir,  the 
rejection  of  an  offer,  on  one  side  or  the  other, 
does  not  preclude  further  offers,  nor  does  it  ne- 
cessarily imply  that  the  parties  will  then  resort  to 
the  last  dread  alternative  of  war.  Jt  does  not  pre- 
«!ude  the  possibility  tlint  one  party  will,  at  the  criti- 


cal moment,  abandon  it.s  unjust  clairaa,  and  leave  the 
other  to  the  enjoyment  of  its  rights.  S'jrely,  sir, 
there  i.-j  nothing  in  these  assertions  which  can  eatab' 
lish  the  jiro[)riety  of  entering  into,  or  continuing, 
an  agreement,  the  only  effect  of  which  has  been,  and 
\,ill  continue  u>  be,  to  involve  the  parties  in  rtli- 
lioiis  more  conijilex  and  diflicult  of  settlement  than 
befoi". 

Nevt,.t!ieles3,  sir,  1  must  acknowledge  tliat,  if 
England  per.'-i.s'.s  1(1  attem|)ting  tohold  all  the  terri- 
tory nortli  of  the  Columbia  river,  or  any  portion  o. 
it  .south  of  the  ■\'.)i\[  parallel  of  latitude,  warmust  ne- 
cessarily (  ome.  Hut  this  will  be  not  on  account  of 
notice;  war  will  en.siie  Vinder  these  circumstan- 
sta.(,-/-s,  with  or  without  notice.  We  can  never  sub- 
mit to  suc-h  a  claim  on  the  part  of  Knglanu.  Tho 
v\iir  which  she  may  wage  in  asserting  that  claim 
will  b(!  ;'.  war  of  a.;gr<;.=!siim  and  invasion — a  war 
which  we  must  meet,  as  we  would  sternly  meet  the 
iinaderof  thisCapitcd.  I  say  it  would  be  a  war  i»f 
iiiva.sion.  And  i.o  show  my  exact  meaning,  1  mist 
be  iieiiiiiitcd  to  digrcs^-i  here  for  a  while,  to  make 
some  stat:imentr!  in  rcferenc  to  the  title.  1  hold 
that  Eogl.ind  has  iiojust  t.tle  to  any  portion  of  Or- 
egon. But  her  most  jilausible  ground  of  preten- 
.-^^ion  would  be  by  that  of  contiguity,  extending  her 
possessions  in  North  America  by  the  4yth  parallel 
to  the  Pacific.  iN'ow,  ifthcCanadas  actually  ex- 
tended on  the  lino  of  49*^  to  the  Rocky  mountains, 
and  the  English  government  were  actually  pres- 
ent with  its  people  and  its  power  on  the  noith 
of  that  line,  and  the  two  nations  stood  upon 
equal  looting  in  regard  to  other  uources  of  title,  tlien 
Fiiiglaud  might  justly  claim  to  extend  her  territory- 
on  that  line  to  the  ocean.  l?ut  none  of  these  condi- 
tions actually  exist.  The  Canadns  do  not  extend 
on  that  line  to  the  Rocky  mountains — England  i.s 
not  present  with  her  people  and  her  government  on 
this  continent,  and  she  does  not  stand  upon  an  equal 
footing  as  to  other  grounds  of  title.  The  country 
contiguous  to  that  part  of  Oregon,  north  of  49°,  i.-' 
the  possession  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and 
cannot  be  extended  by  this  principle  of  contiguity. 
The  argument  in  this  respect  has  lately  been  placed 
in  a  strong  light.  That  company  is  a  mere  incorpo- 
ration, and  is  .subject  to  the  limits  prescribed  by  itf 
charter,  which  is  the  law  of  its  creation.  That  char- 
tar  originally  confined  the  company  to  IludaonV 
bay  and  its  tributaries;  and  these  limits  cannot  by 
any  torture  of  construction  be  extended  to  those  wa 
ters  which  fall  over  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rocky 
mounuiins  into  the  Pacific  ocean.  An  artificial  per- 
son, u  corporation,  cjinnot  overleap  its  j)rescrib€« 
powers  ;  it  cannot  therefore  extend  its  territories  by 
the  principle  of  contiguity.  This  is  a  well-settlwi 
principle  of  Engli.sh  common  law;  it  is  a  principk 
which  may  well  be  adopted — indeed  muni  be  admit- 
ted, into  the  law  of  nations. 

But  I  assume  higher  ground;  I  maintain,  if  this 
principle  did  not  stanil  in  the  way — if  the  charter  o' 
the  company  as  originally  granted  did  not  circum- 
scribe its  limits  vithin  that  vast  basin  in  the  uppci 
part  of  North  America  of  which  Hudson's  bay  i- 
the  centre,  still  it  is  not  just,  it  never  can  be  admit- 
ted, that  a  nation  on  another  continent  shall  extend 
its  possesions  on  this  by  contiguity.  If  the  Cana 
das  themselves  bordered  on  this  disputed  country 
and  the  circumstances  of  the  two  t  ountries  wen 
otherwise  equal,  1  should  earnestly  disputt  the  ap 
plicability  of  this  principle.  In  the  very  nature  o 
tilings  it  ie  %Tong.    iSir,  the  ma^elic  wires  canno" 


^' 


claims,  and  leiivc  the 
ighta.  S-jrely,  sir, 
ins  wliich  can  ealib' 
nto,  or  coiilinuing, 
vhicli  has  been,  and 
the  pnrtics  in  rtli- 
of  fH(;t,t!ement  then 

\nowled»e   tliat,   if 

ohold  all  the  terri- 

r,  or  any  portion  o. 

ti  tilde,  war  must  nc- 

s  not  on  account  of 

thrsi;    circunistan- 

We  can  nf.ver  yiili- 

uf   luiglan.i.     Th<: 

i''S(Ttinij  that   claim 

J    invasion — a  war 

lid  Htcriiiy  meet  the 

'.  would  be  tt  war  of 

H    meaning,  I  inaKt 

r  a  while,  to   make 

o  the  title.     I  hold 

any  portion  of  Or- 

^Tound  of  preten- 

uity,  extending  her 

f  the  4'Jth  parallel 

lada.s    actually  ex- 

Rocky    niouniains. 

ere  actually    pres- 

>wer  on  the   noitli 

lions    stood    upon 

jurces  of  title,  tlien 

ixtcnd  her  territory 

ine  of  these  condi- 

dns  do  not  extend 

ntains — England  i.s 

her  government  on 

tand  upon  an  equal 

tie.    The  country 

111,  north  of  49°,  i? 

Jay  Company,  and 

;iple  of  contiguity. 

lately  been  placed 

ia  a  mere  incorpo- 

prescribed  by  it/= 

eation.  That  char- 

•any  to  IludsonV 

)e  limits  cannot  bj 

.ended  to  those  wa- 

side  of  the  Rocky 

An  artificial  per- 

tap  its   j)rescrib€(! 

d  its  territories  by 

is  a  well-settlei! 

;  it  is  a  principle 

:ed  musl  be  admit 


maintain,  if  tht^ 
-if  the  charter  o' 
did  not  circum- 
aain  in  the  uppci 
IIudson'.s  bay  i- 
ver  can  be  admit- 
nent  shall  extenii 
y.    If  the  Cana 
[iaputed  country 
o  ( ountries  wen 
Y  dispute  the  ap 
he  very  nature  o 
etic  wires  caano 


be  extended  across  the  Atlantic  ooean— the  all  per- 
vading influence  of  electricity  is  slopped  there,  and 
its  niyiitcrious  voice  is  droviied  in  the  noise  of  ihi 
fii'.i-gc  that  heats  our  .shore.  Is  the  invisible  powci 
of  Eiij;lanil  more  pcnctratingand  pervading  than  the 
universal  a^cnt  I  have  named?  Or nilherdo the siieni 
emanations;  of  her  power  circulate  aiound  the  wlioU- 
globe,  (like  those  mighty  currents  which  give  po- 
larity to  tin:  earth  am!  direct  tli :  needle,)  caiisiiij; 
every  intcru.-<',  ni  every  land,  1o  turn  trcmblinir  upon 
iiH  centre,  and  p  lint  to  London  as  its  pole.'  Arc 
there  no  barricr.s.'  Do  its  iiUangiWc  links  cxtciiul 
throu'^ii  all  occan:^,  over  till  laiidti,  enabling  her  to 
{;as|)n^;w  countries,  am!  divide  ihciu  with  conti;j;u- 
oi'^i  pr/V/or:^,  !i(,caiK-(;  she  has  a  foottiold  by  llicir 
Hide.'  'rhi!  law  wliich  makcH  the  ocean  a  bairici-  to 
instantaneous  comi'iuiiicaiioii  beiw<'en  nations — the 
]hw  of  mitiirt',  wliich  has  f;e|iaiat('d  continents  by 
jriterp  im!.;;  v.isiiiliys.-ics,  i'lriml.-i  that.  natiiMi,'^.  o'l  '.pi^ 
contiiicii!  .  ;  ail  iia>  3  rii^lii.s  on  another  liy  ifn(i'i- 
cation,  <  Alci.nion,  fonti^niiiy,  or  by  any  i.'tiicr  in 
visible,  inrnM^iiilc,  mct.-iphysii'al  |»riiici|)le  whatever. 
England  lias  a'.lcni|itc(J  to  cari  y  out  on  this  con- 
tinerU,  by  tliplomacy,  the  firinciples  which  she  has 
cstablishtd  !iy  the  sword  in  her  East  India  .",'- 
gression.  It  remains  to  be  seen  whether,  when  r. 
plomai  y  fails,  slic  will  attempt  to  u.^e  the  san.e 
means  hppc.  The  United  Slates  owe  it  to  them 
selves — ilicy  owe  it  to  this  continent,  and  the  world 
— to  rei'ist  the  application  of  those  principles.  The 
powers  ofiheOIJ  World,  upon  the  discovery  of  thi.s 
contineiu,  adopted  principles  for  its  divisic.^  among 
them- el ve,';  they  may  liave  been  bound  to  eaih 
other  fur  tiie  maintenai"'  of  those  principles.  Nay, 
those  princi[ilcs  may  have  been  ju.it  and  wise  in 
their  ajiplication  to  such  nations,  distant  as  they 
were  from  the  wild  and  uncultivated  countries 
which  they  sought  to  apfiropriate.  Yet  it  does  not 
follow  that  we  are  to  be  bound  by  these  conven- 
tional arrangements.  Our  relations  to  this  continent 
are  widely  liifTerent.  We  have  arisen  here,  a  mighty 
nation,  fast  approaching,  and  des'ined  soon  to  sur- 
pass, the  greatness  of  any  European  power.  We 
have  undisputed  rightful  possession  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  thi.s  continent,  and  neither  reason  nor  autho- 
rity will  admit  that  the  government  of  any  unap- 
propriated portion  of  it  should  be  transferred  to  n 
distant  nation. 

I  hope  I  shall  be  underatood.  I  do  not  mean 
to  adopt  that  ground  of  title  which  has  been  as- 
Bumetl  here  by  some,  gentlemen,  under  the  imposing 
name  of  m(j)it/«s<  desliny.  It  was  the  manifest  des- 
tiny of  England  to  s[iread  her  empire  over  a  large 
portion  rf  this  continent,  and  of  Asia.  But  that  des- 
tiny, m.ide  manifest  by  complete  fulfilment  and  per- 
fect realization,  neither  commends  itself  to  our 
minds  as  right,  nor  does  it  justify  the  arbitrary  and 
oppressive  measures  by  which  it  has  been  achieved. 
1  believe  it  is  our  destiny  to  possess  the  whole  of 
Oregon;  liut  this  destiny  does  not  make  it  right;  it  is 
our  destiny,  because  it  is  right.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  nam;:  the  principle  I  have  attempted  to  state,  nor 
does  it  require  any  course  of  reasoning  to  estixblish 
it.  It  is  one  of  those  propositions  of  which  the  bare 
Btatement  carries  conviction  to  the  mind.  It  is  an 
axiom  in  political  science,  as  applied  to  this  conti- 
nent, and  must  receive  universal  assent,  because  it 
js  based  upon  the  law  of  nature.  It  is  the  same 
principle,  in  effect,  which  Mr.  Monroe  stated  when 
1m  denied  the  right  of  European  nations  to  make 
further  colonies  on  this  continent,  and  which  the 
President,  in  hU  late  message,  has  again  so  appro- 


priately and  opportunely  asserted  in  tlie  face  of  the 
world. 

If  .lure  Ive  any  force  in  my  reasoning,  Mr.  riiiir- 
tn..'!,  It  t'ollow:)  as  a  clear  int'ercnie  that  a  war  p;.ii- 
ci'i  cd  by  Great  Britain  /be  any  part  o(  Oregon 
would  be  a  war  of  ag!;rcssion.  And  it  would 
l)U  u  monstrous  UMirfinioii,  a  gross  and  blast- 
ing shame  to  humanity,  ^:uro.■n^;ing  nil  the 
bounds  of  ordinary  crimi^,  if  England  should 
ieterminc  to  wa:^c  war  uooo  us  for  any  part  of  the 
territory  belnto  the  iOtli  paralUL  And,  sir,  i  repeat, 
ifhucli  l)e  the  dif  oosiiion  of  the  British  govenuiient, 
ifsucli  be  iior  foregone  dotorininatioii,  tiie  war  must 
and  Will  come,  with  or  wiiliout  notice.  E-ingland 
would  I)e  rcsp  insi'jlii  to  the  Wi)rld — lo  Heaven — for 
iliK  (li.s.i.-itrou  <  consoquciiies  tif  miv.U  a  war.  It 
would  be  but  anotlier  ciime  of  feuil'ul  magnitude 
uiide.l  t.)  tint  alre;idy  mouriliunous  lna^iS  of  (Vaud 
,iml  iui".  ;)c  by  which  l^ni^'isnl  li.u  Iieieiolore  extend- 
ed her  [lower,  an-l  Ijy  w'lih  o!ie  now  rniintain-i  it. 
Old  s.ini.;  geiu'cinin  sny  her  crimes  were  rel)re^enl- 
ed  by  u  va.st  pyramid  ofliiiniin  -skulLs?  I  .--ay,  sir, 
lii  lior  by  a  imsje  pyramid  of  human  hearts,  living, 
yi;t  beaiing  and  b'eediig  in  airoiiy,  as  they  are 
lorn  from  th.i  reeking  bo.-ioiiis  of  the  toiling,  fighting 
millions! 

It  is  said,  it"  ilii-J  war  come.s,  it  will  be  no  ordina- 
ry war.  It  will  be  a  war  in  which  the  despotisms 
of  the  Old  W<nld  will  struggle  in  deadly  conUict 
with  tlie  tre.edo.ii  of  the  New.  And  i'.  h.is  been  as- 
serted here  that  in  this  coi  tc.-'t  liberty  will  bite  the 
ground,  and  go  dov/n  forever.  .Sir,  those  who  toko 
ihis  v  i;w  leave  out  of  th'?  calciilaiion  one  most  im- 
fiortant  element.  They  seem  to  forget  tluit  we  shall 
have  the  .sympathies  of  the  masses  in  all  nations — 
that  the  people  wlio  bear  the  bin  Jens  of  opj.resjiojj, 
and  who  so  frequently  seek  t.)  escape  t  ;  thi^j  coun- 
try from  the  mercilins  exactions  of  governments  that 
sustain  tliemselve.s  by  'inniense  .siandnii!;  uriiii*^, 
will  not  willingly  battli»  in  the  cause  ofiyranny 
ag.iitist  that  of  freeilom.  They  foru;el  that  IrelaiiJ 
is  tumubuous;  that  Ciniada  only  waii.s  for  a  fiiir  op- 
poiiunRy  to  throw  offihc  British  yoke;  ihut  Louis 
l'hi!it>|)C  cannot  be  expei'lid  to  live  mnrii  longer; 
and  that  the  Bi'ili.<li  people  themselves  are  gro.iaing 
restli;.ssly  under  laws  which  deprive  tlicin  of  bread, 
and  at  the  sumo  time  exact  from  them  interest  upon 
a  dc!)t  of  four  thous.'uid  millions  of  didlars,  as  well  qr 
revenues  to  support  a  vast  and  sf>l"ndid  troverninent. 
Sir,  when  these  things  are  duly  weii;lied,  the  tcrmi- 
nn'ion  of  such  a  contest  m.iy  not  be  quite  so  unfa- 
voral)le  to  us  as  some  gentleineii  iriia.'j;ine.  If  wav 
bn  fearful  to  us,  it  i-i  efjoally  t'oraiidable  to  England. 
She  is  not  in  a  situation  to  court  war.  We  never 
have,  we  never  shall  court  it. 

Gentlemen  Hf.eak  of  the  preparation  of  Entjiand, 
and  our  want  of  it.  They  point  to  the  .xteam  fl  ;et  o!' 
that  haughty  finiion,  and  te'll  us  it  will  !;!ow  our 
navy  tMit  of  tlie  water,  and  demolish  our  citje-\  I 
shall  make  but  one  rcmurk  on  this  subject.  It  i« 
furtunate  for  us,  that  we  have  not  fritterred  -i  lay 
our  strength  and  our  means  in  mairitaining  lart^o 
standing  armies,  and  building  mighty  fli-ets.  For 
this  is  an  age  in  which  great  inventions  have  been 
made.  Man  has  been  calling  to  his  aid,  and  subdu- 
ing to  his  purposes,  the  tremendous  powers  of  ele- 
mental nature.  And  if  I  am  not  greatly  mistaken, 
there  are  now  spirits  at  work  in  this  Capitol  whose 
inventions,  sanctioned  by  scientific  minds  and  ap- 
provid  by  practical  men,  will  supersede  any  former 
combination  of  forces,  and  render  the  boasted  Brit- 
ish navy   comparatively   clumsy    and    powerless. 


K  rt!«  gOTcrnmcnt   way  not   hare  the  wi&dom  to 
ouiopt  them.    Thai   remains  to    be  acen.     At  all 
f»venfH,  Hir,  we  never  can,  perhaps  we  never  ought,  to 
be  beinr  prepared  for  war  than  we  are  hI  present, 
except  when  the  occaaion  itself  shall  imperiouwiy  dc-  i 
niand  the  preparation.     It    is  only   at   a  crisis  like ! 
this,  when  we  shall   be  suddenly  brouglit   into  dun- ' 
gcr  of  conflict  with  other  powerH,  that  our  slnuKi*!' I 
energies  will  be  iiwakrnrd.     Lei  tlie  hour  of  action  I 
come,  and  ihi.^  great  nation  will  create  fleets  and  col- 1 
lect  arraiw',  with  a  celt.rity  which    will  astonish  the 
■world.     Sir,  1  hope   the   occasion  will    not   come;  I 
believe  it  will  not;  I  Ivimw  it  cannot,   unless    Eng- 
land shall  wantonly  invade  our  rights. 

But  gcntlefiian,  in  this  ddiatc,  have  endeavored  to  I 
look  into  the  fuliirc,  and  calculate  the  consequences  I 
of  war  to  our  free  in.-ititution.s.     Doubtless  war  must  ■ 
tend  to  str.'ni^tlicit  the  centr.nl  power,  and  it   cinnot  J 
by  any  mciui.s  be   the  element  in  which  our  institu- 
tions will  llourish  bci>l.     I    deplore   the  havoc ,  the 
exhaustion,   the    taxes,    the    debt,    that    must    be 
the  result  of  sie'li   a    stru.g'rle.      Vet    our   coun- 
try  was   nurtur(  <i     in   war.    Our  institutions    took 
their    very   start    iVooi    the     tumult   of    the    battle- 
field, and  they  iuu;;  since   been    tried   by  another 
stern  ordeal,  in   a  conflict  with  the  same  fiowerful 
|icoplt;.     If  it  should  lie  our  fate   again    to  be  itivol- 
ved  in  the   same  calamity,  docs  any  gentleman  be- 
lieve the  result  will  be   less  glorious  than  in  the  two 
former  war.-":     If  such  fetus  steal  into  our  hearts,  the 
battle  is  already  lost,     if  wc  must  go  into  the  con- 
flict,  let  us  at  least  go  with  our  usual  confidence  in 
the  stars  which  have  ever  led  us  to  victory. 

I  have  argued  that  tlif  proposed  notice  is  not  in 
itself  a  cause  of  war,  and  i  t.hink  I  have  fully  sus- 
tained the  position.  But  gentlemen  may  say,  al- 
though notice  Itself  may  not  be  a  sufficient  provoca- 
tion, the  nu'asures  contemplated  afterwards  w\|ll  be 
the  cause  of  hostilities.  VVhat  measures?  Will  it 
l>e  the  extension  of  our  laws  over  our  citi'/.ena  in 
Orogon:  England  has  long  since  dcuie  the  same 
thing.  Will  it  be  the  erection  of  fiu-ts  within  the 
territory.'  England  already  has  there  her  -fortified 
stations.  Wliat  measures  have  oeen  proposed 
whicii  can  possibly  be  objected  to.'  Is  it  the  occupa- 
tion of  t)regon  by  en''  ;  froiu  tlieUnitf  il  States? 
It  this  be  the  fancied  d'  war,  I  do  not  see  why 
we,  who  desire  to  g'  notice,  can  be  more  re- 
sponsible for  it  than  ihey  who  oppose  it;  for  notone 
of  tlie  opponents  of  this  measure  has  failed  to  say 
that  our  pojiulation  would  finally  settle  the  right  to 
the  whole  of  Oregon.  Tiien,  't  I  understand  them 
correctly,  they  are  for  occupying  the  whole 
of  Oregon  as  well  a^  v.e.  Sonic  of  lliom,  in- 
deed, have  exprcs.sed  a  perfect  willing nes.s  to 
do  everything  that  has  been  j-roposed,  except  the 
giving  of  this  notice.  I  cani;ot  but  think  there 
IS  some  little  inconsistency  in  these  two  po- 
Bitions.  If  those  measures  will  excite  England  to 
war  u'ilh  notice,  will  they  not  do  so  u-'ilhoul  notice? 
Alight  not  England,  perhaps,  ccnuplain  of  a  viola- 
tion on  our  part  of  cxistingtreaty  stipulations?  And 
would  not  this  be  a  pretext  for  war,  which  would 
not  exist  after  the  treaty  shall  have  been  terminated 
by  the  the  stipulated  notice?  I  ask,  sir,  what  we 
have  proposed  to  do,  that  all  other  gentlcinen  in  this 
House  are  not  willing  to  do.  leaving  out  of  view  the 
notice.'  There  is  nothing.  .~:ir;  and  as  the  notice,  of 
itself,  is  evidently  not  war,  those  gentlemen  are  as 
ready  to  plunge  the  country  into  a  war  as  we, 
for  they  would  do  everytliing  of  a  warlike  nature 
M/hirh  we  propose  to  do. 


Mr,  Oliaiman,  I  do  not  believe  this  notice  W; 
produce    war.     I  believe,  on  the  contrary,  it  wi 
tend  to  hasten  the  peaceable  adjustment  of  the  (jucf 
tioii.     Am  I  required  to  sny  why  I  beiieve  this? 
might  w'-ll  answer,  that  we   have  been   negotiatir.hi" ^[ 
under  the  existing  convention  for  more  than  a  quarp*^*' 
irr  of  a  century,  and  yet  we  have  made  no  progres  j'j  ^ 
v;halever  in  the  business.     1  might  well  argue  iIkiF^'^^ 
our  experience  has  proved  that    the  eonveniions,  t-^cf  a  "-l 
far  from  assisting  the    negotiations,  have  reiardc' •*l"''' 
them.     Sir,  during  this  long  period,  the  life  of  a  gen  ^  us. 
eration,  diplomacy  has  exhausted  itself.     It  is  timlb^''"' 
to  cease  this  diploniatic  trifling.     It  is  lime  to  asser  iway 
our  rights,  and  firmly  to  maintain   them.     In   orderIB — -i| 
to  do  this,  wo  must  change  the  face  of  things.     VVi  ty  up 
nuist   alter   the    circumstanr'es    by    which  sve  havi  Vug"'] 
heretofore  been  fettered.     We  muat  brush  away  tin  "*^  ^' 
eohwebs  whi'h  havi;  been  sufl'ered  to  be  woTcn  ovet  Cause 
the  pulijecl,  obscuring  the   vision    both  of   Ei  ;.'lair.  *!f®"'' 
and  i>urselves.     i  ask  if  there  be    not    force    in  thi;  •"'Ci, 
position?      We     have     tried     negotiation     unde;  **"'^,^', 

a    period    long   eni  iigh    t(    SCttleij 
such    questions,    if    theri 

disposition   on    l.'Oth    •.■\t\c>. 

we     not     now     try     wliai 
in    the    absence   of    thc.s 


these    conventions,  for 
have    .>ctlled    a    do/.en 
had    been    any     real 
to     settle     it.       Shall 
.success   we    shall   have 


course   commends  itself  to  oui 


Have  tried   the  one  with  complete  y^,"^", 
us  try  the  other.     JMay  we  not  at 


conventions?     Tlii.^ 
judgment.     Wc 
failure — now  let 

least    hope   for  better  success  in  the  altered  'inum- 
stances'     What   will    be  the  fence  and  power  of  tin; 
new   circumstances    which    wc   propose    to    bring 
about?     When  this  notice  shall  have  been  given,  the 
United    States   and    England  will  stand  unirammel- 
led — relieved  from  all  emiiarrassing  agreements  what- 
ever— naked  before  tlie  world — each  standing  upou 
its  own  proper  rights.    They  will  stand  face  to  face, 
looking  each   other   in    the  eye,  and  perfectly  con- 
scious of  the  dread   alternative  which  will  follow  u 
failure    to  adjust   the  dis[«ute    by   a  treaty.     They 
will  deeply   feel  the  absolute  and  pressing  necessity 
of  amicable  action.      Shall   we  not  bring  it  to  this 
crisis?     Does   any   one  fear  it?     I  acknowledge  it  i.-i 
dangerous;  but  not  more  dangerous  than  a  tardy  and 
temporizing  policy.     Here  are  Sylla  and  Charybdis. 
VVe  must  ]iass.     Shall  we  not  grasp  the  helm  stern- 
ly and  firmly,  trusting  to  our  prudence  and  skill  to 
guide  us  through  the  dangerous  abyss? — or  .shall  we 
beat  about   listlessly,  backwards  and  forwards,  un- 
certain what  shall  be  our  course,  yet  perfectly  con- 
scious that  sooner  or  later  we  must  endure  the  peril? 
Sir,    when  things  shall   be  brought  to  this  point, 
must  war  necessarily  follow?     In  the  lOth  century, 
with  all  its  boa.sted  civili7,ation  and  morality,  must 
two  great  nations  fear  to  come  tip  boldly  to  the  ad- 
justment of  a  great  question,  lest  a  deadly  conflict 
may  ensue?    Can   England  go  to  war  in  the  face  of 
the  late   correspondence  between    her  minister  and 
ours?     I  ('.insert  she  cannot,  she  will  not.     To  main- 
tain that   -die  will,  argues  a  want  of  confidence  in 
the  strength  of  our  title,  which  nearly  every  gentle- 
man here  has  admitted  to  be  clear  and  unquestiona- 
ble.    When  England  shall  see  that  this  lone*  exist- 
ing negotiation  must  be  settled,  promptly  and  fairly, 
she  will  be  willing  to  make  a  settlement  «f  it,  which 
we  may  honorably  accept.    The  honorable  gentle- 
man from  Georgia,  [Mr.  Cobb,]  who  comes  to  the 
.same  conclusion  that   I  do,  said  the  other  day,  that 
England  would  never  accept  the  proposition  made 
by  Mr.  Polk.     Doubtless  she  will   not,  so  long  a,t 
this  convention  shall  remain.     Perliape  it  is  not  her 
interest  to  do  so.    iS'eithcr  will  .'3hc,  as  Mr.  Polk  in 


9team| 

thcntil 

ftruct| 

our 

made: 


take 
Bity  t 
any  a 
by  sn 
■what 
■ubje. 
lon;j 
iice  il 
upon 
ly  an 
sertiiij 
fight-^ 
for  ni 
Presii 
ought 
ever  c 
Bui 
the  V 
pofiivi 
favori 
sion 
Engli 
eheis 
enhiij 
•well 
half  I 
nor  t 
light 
aver 
«poi 
that 
con\ 
Bay 
patii 
that 
bclii 
land 
thin 
mu' 
■wit! 
inui 

the 

■wil 
set 
cor 
sib 
thii 


elicve  this  notice  w; 

the  contrary,  it  wi  7 

djuatment  of  the  quee 
vliy  I  beueve  thia? 

have  been  negotiatiiihis  message  dsdares,  make  any  ofTer  which  we  could  least  remain  as  they  will  be  now  upon  the  termina* 
for  more  than  a  qunrp«s*>bly  accept.  But,  sir,  I  have  but  little  judgment,  tion  of  this  convention,  since  it  will  not  better  them 
ave  made  no  pro»refi  if,  when  the  convention  shall  be  terminated,  and  this  to  continue  it. 

night  well  argufTthapeat  question  shall  press  upon  her  with  the  weight  |  But  it  is  not  only  in  this  manner  that  England  is 
t  the  conviiKioiis,  K(«f  a  dr»;adful  alternative,  phe  do  not  then  agree  to  strengthenipg  herself  in  the  Oregon  territory.  She 
ationa,  have  iMardei  ■ettle  it  upon  terms  which  ought  to  bo  satisfactory  is  increjising  her  population;  she  is  erecting  for- 
•rio'l,  the  life  of  a  "•en  to  "S-  I  oo  not  mean  that  she  will  be  frightened  or  i  tifications;  she  is  arming  and  manning  them.  It  is 
itfd  il.«f:|f.  It  i.^  Umbu""''!  '"'"  H'rms;  but  I  uican,  that  slie  will  be  j  well  known  there  are  no  American  settlements 
•  If  is  time  to  asser  ■waypd  by  the  same  motives  which  ought  to  away 'north  of  »he  Columbia  river,  and  American  citizens 
'ill  them.  In  oidetUa — a  desire  to  avoid  war,  and  to  adjust  the  difllcul- j  will  not  be  permitted  to  settle  there,  if  they  should, 
face  nf  thip'^'s.  Wi  ty  upon  a  basis  that  shall  be  fair  and  honest.  Adis-iimdor  present  circumstances,  even  desire  to  do  so. 
by  wlii(;h\ve  hav,  tinguished  gentleman  from  Virginia,  [Mr.  HovrKu]  Cut  ihey  will  not  do  so,  for  the  simple  reason  that 
mujt  l)rusli  !iw(\y  tin  has  .said,  he  will   not  ngrce   to  give  this  notice,  be- 1  they  do  not  feel  secure.     They  are  not  satisfied   of 

" "        ■'         ■'      the  policy  of  this  governmeni,  in  reference  to   that 


)olicy 
of  thi 


>e  not  force 
negotiation  uiidc; 
od  lonj.'-  ei!<;ii^'li  t( 
quc.siion:<,  if  "t|,et( 
lion  on  both  miIcs 
t  now  try  wiutt 
;  absence  of  ilic.s 
iiniend.s  itself  to  our 


part  of  the  territory 


le  IS  so   well  satisfied  of  the  strength  of  i  until  this  governnipnt  shall  take  some  step  which 


iX'd  to  he  wo?«  n'ovei  Cause,  if  it  will  not  bring  war,  it  will  force  the  settle 
on    both  of  El  irljiiiL  went  of  the  question  ujwn  the  basis  of  the  49th  par 
in  (hi;  slid,  and  '  "       ■■  "^    '     -•  -•  -  • 

our  title  to  the  whole,  that  he  would  deplore  such  a  will  assure  them 
settlement   of  the  dispute.     Suppose,  sir,  th<!  next 
fteainer  from  England  should  bring  the  news  in  au- 
thentic  form,   that   the   British  government  had  in- 


Sir,  they  will  not  settle  there 
^htill  take 
of  its  aid    and    protection  against 


British  power. 

J    have  already  said   we  could    never  consent  to 
surrender  any    portion  of  the   territory   below  the 


iiitt  itructed  Mr.  Pakenham  to  accept  the   late  offer  of  4!)lh  parallel,  and  I  have   attempted  to  give  my  rea- 


our  government,  which  he  did  not  a<X4;pt  when 
made:  what  would  we  then  do  r  Would  that  gcn- 
;  one  with  coinriletf  tlenian — would  any  other  gentleman  on  this  lloor — 
er.  May  wc  not  at  toke  the  responsibility  of  refusing  such  an  opportu- 
tiie  nllered  <  in  um-  ■''/  ^'^  dispose  cf  this  dangerous  business?  Could 
ce  and  |)ower  of  the  «ny  ailniinistration  justify  itself  before  the  country, 
propose  to  brini;  by  such  action,  in  such  an  emergency  ?  I  know  not 
lave  been  given,  the  "what  may  be  the  feelings  of  the  President  on  this 
II  staii.l  iiiirr;immel-  subjecf;  but,  for  my  own  part,  I  should  hesitate 
igagieenient.s  what-  long,  I  .should  reflect  deeply,  before  1  would  sacri- 
each  standing  iipou  iice  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  two  great  nations, 
I  stand  face  to  face  wpon  such  a  point.  But  England  must  act  prompt- 
and  perfectly  con-  v  ^"d  speedily.  Delay  will  fully  justify  us  in  as- 
serting our  right  to  the  whole  territory.  And  if  we 
fight — we  shall  certainly  fight  for  the  whole — ay,  sir, 
for  more.  We  can  make  no  more  offers.  Our 
President  has  ofl'ered  as  much  as  any  President 
ought  ever  to  have  ofifered — more  than  one  should 
ever  offer  again. 

But,  sir,  how  do  these  gentlemen  propose  to  get 
the  whole,  of  Oregon,  by  maintaining  the  present 
posuu-e  of  affairs.'  Is  the  existing  convention  most 
favorable  to  us  or  to  England,  so  far  as  the  posses- 
sion of  the  country  is  concerned?  In  my  judgment, 
England  is  strengthening  herself  every  day.  This 
eheis  doing  in  a  double  aspect.  She  is  strength- 
ening her  pretended  claim  of  title.  For,  however 
well  we  may  be  satisfied  that  neither  our  offers  of 
half  tin-  country  to  England  by  way  of  compromise, 
nor  these  conventions,  which  expressly  reserve  the 
jights  of  each,  uff'ect  unfavorably  our  title;  yet  I 
aver  there  is  not  a  gentleman  on  this  floor  who, 
upon  the  naked  question  of  title,  would  not  wish 
that  these  iifll"ers  had  never  been  made — that  the  two 
conventions  had  never  been  adopted.  We  may 
Bay  that  the  treaty  does  not  recognise  "joint  occu- 
pation," yet  we  cannot  rid  ourselves  of  the  feeling: 
that  some  .sort  of  joint  rights  are  acknowledged.  I 
believp,  sir,  the  strongest  show  of  right  which  Eng- 
land can  present  is  that  which  arises  from  this  very 
thing.  8he  argues,  because  we  have  otfered  her 
much,  .'^he  must  be  entitled  to  more.  And  she  can  say, 
•with  great  plausibility,  whe  is  at  least  entitled  to  as 
much  ns  we  have  offered  her. 

Now,  sir,  the  longer  this  convention  exists,  and 
the  more  frequent  ofl^ers  we  make  her,  the  stronger 
■will  grow  her  pretended  claim.  She  will  prc-jently 
set  up  a  prescriptive  right  under  the  operation  of  the 
convention.  I  desire  to  prevent  this  as  far  as  pos- 
sible. Let  us  give  the  notice  in  order  to  prevent 
things  from  growing  worse  with  ua.    Let  things  at 


wtiich  will  follow  u 
/  a  treaty.  They 
I  pressing  necessity 
not  bring  it  to  thia 
I  acknowledge  it  la 
IS  than  a  tarJy  and 
Ha  and  Charybdis. 
isp  the  helm  :;tern- 
idence  and  .skill  to 
jyss? — or  .^hal!  we 
and  forward;;,  un- 
yet  perfectly  con- 
t  endure  the  peril.' 
light  to  this  point, 

the  IDth  century, 
id  morality,  must 

-■oldly  to  the  ad- 

i  deadly  conflict 
war  m  the  face  of 
her  minister  and 
I  not.     To  niain- 

of  confidence  in 
irlv  every  gen  tle- 
nd  unquestiona- 
^t  this  lone-  exist- 
rnptly  and  fairly, 
lent  of  it,  whick 
lonorable  gentle- 
ho  comes  to  the 
E  other  day,  that 
roposition"  made 

uot,  so  long  ai 
aps  it  i.^  not  her 
,  as  Mr.  Polk  in 


sons  frr  believing  that  England  has  no  plausible  pre- 
text whatever  for  any  claim  of  title  south  of  that 
line.  Now,  it  is  well  known,  and  I  believe  fully  ad- 
mitted, that  unless  we  obtain  the  country  at  least  to 
that  line,  we  lose  the  most  valuable  p)art  of  it — we 
get  no  valuable  harbors — and  so  f.  ras  the  commer- 
cial importance  of  the  region  is  concerned,  we  mi^ht 
as  well  give  up  the  wliole  territory.  This  being 
the  state  of  things,  and  England,  through  the  Hud- 
son Bay  Company,  ha\  ing  possession  of  that  part 
of  the  territory,  what  is  to  be  the  course  of  our  em- 
igration, if  things  remain  ixa  they  are?  I  believe 
emigration  will  in  a  great  measure  cease.  It  has 
been  only  the  hope  that  our  government  would  take 
this  great  step,  and  assert  our  title,  at  least  to  .some 
valuable  portion,  if  not  to  all  the  territory,  which 
has  caused  the  stream  of  emigration  to  set  in  that 
direction.  Can  our  people  become  strong  there,  if 
they  are  shut  out  from  the  harbors,  and  in  that 
way  deprived  of  any  participation  in  the  advantages 
of  commerce?  What  inducement  is  there  for  emi- 
grants from  the  United  States  to  seek  that  coun- 
try, under  such  disadvantages?  The  gentleman 
from  Virginia  spoke  of  the  advancing  popula- 
tion of  our  country,  proceeding  westward,  on  a  line 
of  a  thousand  leagues,  at  the  rate  of  half  a  degree  of 
longitude  every  year.  Let  it  be  remembered,  how- 
ever, that  this  tide  cannot  advance  over  the  Rocky 
mountains.  The  Pacific  coast  must  first  be  settled, 
long  before  the  intervening  .space  can  possibly  be 
filled  up.  The  tide  that  will  roll  onward  from  that 
quarter,  will  meet  the  advancing  tide  from  this.  In 
my  judgment,  it  is  a  chimera  to  suppose  that  the  set- 
tlement of  the  country  will  be  effected  in  any  other 
way.  Then,  sir,  the  difficulty  remains — how  shall 
our  people  get  a  firm  foothold  in  that  territory? 
You  must  clear  the  way  for  them;  you  must  re- 
move the  British  forts  from  the  north  side  of  the 
Columbia  river;  or,  as  has  been  forcibly  observed, 
yon  must,  at  least,  untie  the  hands  of  those  who  go 
there. 

But,  sir,  suppo.se  the  convention  continued,  and 
suppose,  against  all  the  ob.'^tacles  I  have  named,  our 
people  should  continue  to  tiow  into  that  country. 
What  is  to  be  the  result?  If  England  will  not  give 
us  the  country  without  the  existing  convention, 
will  sheijive  it  to  us  with  it?  Will  she  remove  her 
forts?  Will  her  people  quietly  abandon  their  sta- 
tions to  ours?  Will  England,  will  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company,  calmly  look  on,  and  see  our  people  silent « 
ly  or  forcibly  supplanting  them,  and  that,  too,  when 


a  convention  exusta  between  the  two  counlrie8, 
guar  inteeins:  Bomc  sort  of  cqunl  rights  to  the  citi- 
zenH  of  both?  Hy  what  nort  of  a  prorpHH  are  oi,r 
people  to  root  out  the  British?  Do  not  ajciulemrn 
Know  what  thelludnon  Bay  Company  \»  doin^?  [)'> 
not  gentlemen  know  the  military  orsnni/.ntion  and 
formidiiljle  power  of  that  monstrous  corporation, 
whirl)  seeks  to  run  tiio.  career  of  ii.s  tjieat  prototype, 
ihc  EiJst  India  Tonipnoy,  that  oprratos  ju^t  over  on 
the  oilier  s dc  of  the  I'acific." 

I  find,  Ar,  in  l!ic  fourth  volume  of  the  narrative. 
of  the  tjcploriui;  (■•  prdition,  aeopy  of  llieoi'lii,Mtii>n 
which  the  HudKon  Bay  Company  requires  of  nil  ii.- 
serviintH.  They  i;ivc  their  hoiids  "to  deiute  their 
whole  time  and  laljur  to  the  .service  of  the  compa- 
ny;" "to  perforin  all  work  or  service,  l)y  day  or  hy 
niKht,"  "to  ol)ey  a!!  onlers;"'  "willi  euur.(;4e  aiiJ 
fidelity  to  defend  tlic  prdperlv  of  paid  company — 
their  (^»j'iio?"tVs  iind  lactorie^j;'"  "to  defend  the  rk>-ltls 
and  piivilef^es  o'^  said  (company;''  "atid,  if  required, 
to  enrol  as  soldiers,  and  attt  iid  all  drills  and  exercihc.-' 
necessary  to  ucqitire  a  knowledge  of  the  dutieiJ  re- 
quired," Ac.  Here  ia  a  perfect  military  ori;an;/.a- 
tion,  and  it  exhibits  very  plainly  what  are  the  de- 
signs of  that  monstious  company.  It  wains  w^  tli,a 
our  advancin,';  tide  of  population  will  nut  lie  fiemiit- 
ted  to  trespass  upon  wiial  it  considers  its  territories. 

Is  not  tliis  the  true  state  of  thinjis  in  that  dictant 
region?  If  it  be  not,  why  arc  our  pfO[)le  callinii 
opon  us  for  aid  and  prjf.ection?  Why  do  our  peo- 
ple all  settle  south  of  the  Columbia.'  and  why  are 
they  dependent  upon  tlie  Hudson  Bay  Company 
ft)r  all  their  commerce:  When  will  these  thintrs  be 
altered,  if  this  convention  shall  continue.'  When 
will  our  people  begin  to  settle  north  of  the  Columbia 
river? 

But,  sir,  En£;land  knows  very  well  tli'^  .situation 
of  things  in  Oregon.  She  in,  perhaps,  better  in- 
formed than  we.  If  she  is  ready  now  to  fioht  for 
this  country — if  she  ha."?  made  h-^r  determination 
not  to  {^ive  it  up  without  a  great  contest — and  if  we, 
as  gentlemen  .suppose,  arc  gaining  by  the  existing 
arrargeraent— will  she  not  u-rminate  it  herself?  But 
when  did  England  ever  make  the  first  movement 
towards  that  men.siiie?  Now  this  is  a  plain  prop- 
osition: if  England  will  go  to  war  r.uher  than 
yield  u.^  our  lights,  and  if  we  siiall  certainly 
advance  lownrds  the  acquisition  of  the  territory,  by 
the  existing  convention,  then  she  will  lier.<ielf  give  us 
the  notice,  which  we  liesita'e  to  give  her.  l-'ar- 
sighted  ns  she  i.",  she  will  bring  on  the  contist  now, 
before  we  shall  have  f^rown  strong  enough  in  that 
quarter  to  accomplish  our  stealthy  design.  If  I'lnir- 
land  does  not  now  pur.>,ue  thi.s  course,  if  she  holds 
on  to  the  convention,  I  argue  that  she,  at  least,  does 
not  believe  time  will  benefit  us  more  than  her. 
And  I,  sir,  am  disposed  to  learn  wisdom  from  her 
example — believing  that  where  our  interests  arc  op- 
pof-ite,  our  policy  ought  to  be  also.     If  she  would 


hold  on  to  the  convention,  I  would  instantly  termi- 
nate it. 

It  is,  perhaps,  scarcely  necessary  to  say  Mnythinsf 
of  the  amendment  proposed  by  the  gentleman  from 
.Mab^mu  [Mr.  IIii,i.iaiu>|.  I  consider  it  of  no  con- 
serpience.  If  its  object  or  its  effect  be,  as  some 
gentlemen  allege,  to  throw  the  responsibility  ofl 
the  shoulders  of  this  House,  I  have  no  di:ripoaltioii 
thus  to  evade  a  duly  which  belongs  to  me.  1  ac- 
cept my  share  of  the  responsibility,  knowing  that 
whatever  may  be  the  conueqiienci' — whether  peace 
or  war  ensue — the  cause  of  our  country  ih  just  in 
the  sight  of  God  and  man.  But  the  amendment  i.s 
of  little  importaiicp,  since  iht;  President  has  already, 
ill  his  ines.-age,  told  us  he  believes  now  is  the  ap- 
firopriate  time  to  give  the  notice.  Should  the  reso- 
lution, with  the  amendment,  be  adopted  to-day,  he 
would  give  the  notice  lo-iiiorrow.  It  might  weaken 
ihe  influence  of  the  Oieasure  ufani  llie  action  of 
Britain.  She  might  well  suppo.se  that  the  legislature 
of  the  nation  had  exhilii'.Ci;  less  firmness  than  the 
Executive,  and  that  it  would  ;reml)le,  in  a  certain 
contingeni'y,  to  su.stain  him  by  those  ulterior  meaa- 
iirt.:  which  the  crisis  might  render  indispensable.  I 
hope  we  shall  present  an  unbroken  front — that  we 
shall  fully  sustain  the  President,  not  only  in  the 
noble  stand  he  has  already  taken,  but  in  all  other 
measures  which  the  honor  and  security  of  our  com- 
tnon  country  may  at  any  time  require. 

Mr.  Chairman,  1  luive  said  all  1  have  to  say  on 
this  subject.  1  cannot  lay  claim  to  any  practical  ex- 
perience in  statesmanship.  The  reasoning  I  have 
attempted,  has  satisfied  me  that  the  proposod  notice 
cannot,  of  itself,  affect  the  q^'eslion  of  peace  or  war, 
and  that  every  consideration  of  policy  and  interest, 
requires  us  to  give  it  without  delay.  I  respect  the 
opinions  of  those  dilfcr  from  ine,  and  I  .fjincerely 
regret  that  such  diiVerences  exist.  I  shall  follow  my 
ov,r.  convictions  with  a  due  sense  of  the  solemn 
responsibilities  under  which  I  act,  leaving  others  the 
same  liberty  which  I  claim,  without  suffering  my- 
self, for  a  moment  to  doubt  their  integrity,  and  pa- 
triotism. 

1  solt  innly  believe  that  gentlemen  who  think- war 
will  come  are  mistaken.  J  earnestly  pray  that  peace 
may  continue  to  waive  hi  r  golden  wings,  and  scat- 
ter  her  rich  blessings  over  our  happy  country,  and 
that  those  bright  visions,  which  gentlemen  have  pic- 
tured as  destined  to  gladden  our  hearts,  under  the 
auspicious  eye  of  this  hovering  angel,  may  liever  be 
blasted  by  the  l-lood-staiiied  demini  of  war.  I  woo 
the  favor,  and  the  continued  presence  of  this  guar- 
dian spirit,  with  my  deepest  devotion.  I  would  sa- 
(•nti<ie  much;  I  would  .'<uf?er  much  to  detain  her.  But 
if  bh'  must  depart — if  she  is  destined  to  take  her 
sad  "ilight  from  earth  to  Heaven  again'" — then  wel- 
come the  black  tempest  of  war!  WelcoiTie  its  ter- 
rors, its  privations,  its  wounds,  and  deaths:'  We 
will  sternly  bare  our  bosoms  to  its  deasiliael  ahock, 
and  trust  in  God  for  ihe  result. 


ivould  instanUy  term- 

iflfiary  to  say  anything 
y  the  ^entJematj  from 
cnnsider  it  of  no  con- 
s  fflert   be,  its  some 
ho  rt'Hponsibility   ofi 
have  no  (li;ipositioij 
''loMgfi  fo   me.     I  ac- 
Jiliiy.   knowing-  that 
iCHco — wlicthcr  peace 
ir  country  ih  Just  in 
t  the  urnend;nent  is 
'resident  has  already, 
icves  now  iH  the  ap^ 
■■■     Should  the  reso- 
-:  ;idopi(;(l  tr.-dny,  he 
■V-     It  mi^ht  weaken 
upon   liie  action  of 
le  that  the  hgialalure 
s  firmness   than  tho 
remble,  in  a  certain 
th(is(;  ulterior  meas- 
ler  iiidispensdble.     I 
ten   front — that  we 
It,   not  only  in  the 
:n,  but  in  all  other 
security  of  our  cora- 
quire. 

I  1  iidve  to  Hay  on 
touny  practical  ex- 
ic  reasoning  I  have 
tlif"  proposad  notice 
on  of  peace  or  war, 
policy  and  interest, 
clay.  I  rrspeot  the 
no,  and  I  fiincerely 
I  shall  follow  my 
n.sc  of  the  aolemn 
;,  leaving  others  the 
hout  suffering  my- 
r  integrity,  and  pa- 

len  who  tJiink- war    ^ 
(ly  pray  thst  peace 
n  winga,  and  scat-     f 
»ppy  country,  and    | 
:entlenien  have  pic-    1 
•  hearts,  utider  the 
igei,  may  liever  be 
)n  of  war.     I  woo 
sence  of  this  guar- 
tion.     I  would  sa- 
to  detain  her.  But 
3tined  to  take  her 
again'" — (hen  wel-      ' 

WelcfLTie  its  ter- 
and  dealhs''  We 
ia  dcasJliofit  shock, 


